Page 33 - History 2020
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Was 1832 a truly revolutionary moment?

            Genuine fears of revolution were expressed in 1831 and 1832. One of the problems is
            separating this from the rhetoric. All sides had motives to exaggerate, the Tories to
            paint the reform movement as violent and extreme, the Whigs to frighten the Tories,
            and the reform movement leaders to frighten the Whigs. Some newspapers
            blackened Atwood and Place as instigating violence, but all the evidence points the
            other way. They were a restraining influence, urging people to keep up mass
            demonstrations, but peacefully; enough that soldiers were required to be present,
            but not to fight. Antonia Fraser in “Perilous Question: The Drama of the Great Reform

            Bill 1832” (2013) quotes Francis Place: “But for these demonstrations, a Revolution
            would have occurred. We were within a moment of general rebellion.” She says in all
            her researches the word that stands out as being used by participants on all sides of
            the crisis was “perilous”. More vividly, she also quotes Sydney Smith, who recalled
            the “hand-shaking, bowel-disturbing passion of fear.” Some local dignitaries must
            have shared these fears; the High Sheriff of Dorset’s coach was attacked at Blandford
            Forum; Lord Ashley had to deviate from his usual route to and from his home in

            Wimborne St Giles and he kept loaded pistols to hand; Sherborne Castle, built by Sir
            Walter Raleigh and home of the Digby family was attacked.

            The violence in Bristol and the Midlands in October 1831, and the “Days of May”
            1832 were the most dangerous times. In Bristol there was an eruption of violence;
            the Bishop’s Palace, toll house, excise house, customs house, three prisons the
            Mansion House and a hundred houses were burned down. It took four days to
            restore order. Some drunken rioters died in fires they themselves had started, their

            charred bodies laid out in Queen Square. Troops could not be sent from other places
            due to fears of disorder there. There were also fears of how loyal the troops would
            be if ordered to fire on the populace. Twelve died in Bristol, a hundred wounded and
            102 arrested; executions and transportations followed. Nottingham castle, home of
            the Tory Duke of Newcastle, was burned down. Local factories were attacked and
            magistrates described the town as being “in a state of insurrection.” In Derby a mob

            attacked the prison and attempted to release inmates; one person was killed. The
            Mayor banned a mass meeting but set up stalls where petitions could be signed; a
            rioting mob burned them down; three people were killed. The Duke of Rutland set up
            artillery at his home, Bevloir Castle. His estate manager said a spark could set off a
            conflagration. In Birmingham a huge public meeting for the Bill attracted 200,000
            people. Soldiers on duty were ordered to “rough-sharpen” their swords, a tactic
            intended to inflict worse injuries on potential rioters. Fortunately they weren’t
            deployed.
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