Page 49 - History 2020
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renamed if from Tory in the 1834 election - by persuading it to accept modest

            reform, starting with the 1832 Reform Act, which he loathed. His aim was to make
                   th
            the 19  century safe for the old aristocratic order - even though he himself wasn’t a
            member of it. He was the son of a northern industrialist and spoke with a Lancashire
            accent (“buke” for book). His career did not end well. His repeal of the Corn Laws in
            1845, removing protection for farmers, proved a bridge too far for the Tory
            aristocrats and split his party so deeply that they were in opposition for two decades.

            Ironically, the man the disgruntled Tory aristocrats rallied around was Benjamin

            Disraeli, as brilliant as Peel, but a bohemian outsider, son of an Anglicised Italian Jew,
            a dandified chancer and a novelist. He developed the idea (or at least the slogan)
            “Tory Democracy”: reform when necessary, but mostly aristocracy, monarchy and
            empire. His reforms were piecemeal and the work of colleagues, while empire meant
            little more than his Royal Titles Act of 1876 making Victoria Empress of India. Always
            the chancer, he passed the 1867 Reform Act purely to “steal the Liberal’s clothes” i.e.
            nick their policies, and established British control of Egypt by getting his mate

            Rothschild to put up the cash to buy shares in the Suez Canal under the noses of the
            French who had built it. He became the estate-owing Earl of Beaconsfield, but
            brought a unique touch of wit and theatricality to Victorian politics.

            Henry Temple, Viscount Palmerston (of Broadlands, in Hampshire) was Prime
            Minister in the 1850’s and 60’s at the pinnacle of Britain’s global influence, which he
            is seen to embody. But historian David Cannadine, author of the Penguin history of
            Victorian Britain (Victorious Century: Britain 1800-1906) believes that Palmerston’s

            belligerent foreign policies of “bluff and bluster” had become increasingly “ineffective
            and irrelevant”, depriving Britain of allies and “little more than an ineffectual
            onlooker in Europe.”

            At home Palmerston blocked attempts at reform. Cannadine quotes a speech of 1850
            in which he explains why. Britain almost alone in Europe avoided revolution in 1848

            because “we are a nation in which every class of society accepts with cheerfulness the
            lot which Providence has assigned to it; while at the same time each individual in
            each class is constantly trying to raise himself in the social scale, not by violence and
            illegality – but by persevering good conduct and by the steady and energetic exertion
            of the moral and intellectual faculties with which his creator has endowed him.”
            Cannadine rightly calls these views “complacent, self-satisfied, exaggerated and over-
            simplified”. Yet Palmerston was the most popular of all the Victorian Prime Ministers
            and “he never appealed to the British electorate in vain”. He was “the personification
            and the embodiment of his time in a way that was true of no other political
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